Shifting the Vote: Young Filipinos and the 2025 Midterm Elections

Young people and first-time voters are increasingly becoming influential in shifting the tides of the Philippines’ political landscape.

Making up 68% of the registered voting population for the 2025 Midterm Elections, the role of Millennial and Generation Z voters became crucial in determining the next leaders of the Philippines. 

Art by Von Makainag

In some provinces and cities, candidates from long-standing dynasties have lost the elections, showing that voters can still unseat the seemingly immovable—and replace them with new blood. For instance, Senator and wealthy businesswoman Cynthia Villar did not win her congressional reelection bid in Las Piñas City, which went to independent candidate Mark Anthony Santos. Twenty-year governor Gwen Garcia had also lost in Cebu to political newcomer Pamela Baricuatro. In Catanduanes, Vice Governor Peter Cua had likewise been defeated by independent candidate and educator Patrick Azanza.

As shown in a map presented by political foundation Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, dynasties have also incurred significant losses in Albay, Legazpi, and Zamboanga del Norte, as well as in several other provinces with “flipped” gubernatorial seats.

Mapping Breaks in Dynastic Rule

Although big names, political dynasties, and old ties continue to dominate government seats, the recent polls had many unexpected outcomes. On the senatorial level, Bam Aquino and Kiko Pangilinan ranked second and fifth, respectively, despite performing low in previous election surveys. Akbayan also topped the party-list results, effectively securing three seats in the House of Representatives.

On the contrary, these electoral results do not count as a categorical “win” for those who seek genuine representation and change in politics. Name recall and personal loyalty are still much more influential than platforms and ideological stances in choosing who to vote for. These tendencies persist from the local level up to the national seats. 

For instance, in terms of name recall, prominent names come into mind, such as the Binays who have controlled Makati City’s mayoral seat for decades and have even managed to hold national office, as well as the Dutertes, who have clung onto Davao’s city government since 1988. 

Furthermore, in the recent 2025 elections for Davao City, voters also believe that either the Duterte or Nograles dynasty is a viable option—and are perhaps the only options—for they are “tried and tested,” relying on name recognition and family legacy to guide their decisions.

At least 113 out of 149 or 75% of city mayors belong to political dynasties, according to the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), with most seeking re-election in the recent polls.

Although independent candidates offer alternative visions of governance, they are often dismissed as nuisance candidates or long shots because they lack sufficient funding and political clout.

The power of name recognition is also reflected at the national level: big family names such as Aquino, Marcos, and Poe have served as a recall shortcut for uninformed voters, catapulting the candidates onto the national stage.

Other than the popularity of a candidate’s surname, the voters’ personal and familial loyalty is also important for local candidates, for kinship ties between voters and candidates play a crucial role in shaping voter preferences.

A 2017 article published in the American Economic Review found that voters who are socially closer to political campaigns, particularly at the local level, are more likely to participate in clientelistic exchanges and vote-buying, where votes are traded for targeted benefits such as money. This is because such voters have more direct access to candidates, reducing the need for intermediaries and increasing their chances of receiving goods or services in return for electoral support.

These relationships are also reciprocal and extend to higher levels of political networks. Dominant families at the municipal level often leverage their local electoral base to enter and compete in provincial or national races. In turn, candidates running for provincial and national positions heavily depend on alliances with local politicians who can mobilize votes in exchange for political favors or resource allocations from the central government.

However, emerging shifts in voter behavior—particularly among the youth—are beginning to challenge these entrenched networks of patronage and political dependency.

While it cannot be definitively concluded that the youth is the primary cause of these cracks in political strongholds and preference for new leadership, such trends point to the growing potential of young people to promote good governance and elect more progressive and accountable leaders in the following years.

The youth is not a monolith

Making up a large portion of the electorate—which will grow bigger as more Filipinos grow up to be of voting age—the onus is on the youth to change the direction of Philippine politics.

However, the youth should not be treated as a monolithic group that votes for the same candidates and holds the same perspectives on leadership, representation, and the country’s social issues. It is inaccurate to attribute shifts in voting behavior to such a broadly and inconsistently defined demographic. As sociologist Athena Charanne Presto notes, both Generation Z and millennials fall under the label of 'youth,' despite having distinct values and formative experiences. Expecting a diverse and heterogeneous group to carry the full burden of driving social change is therefore both unrealistic and unfair.

Dismantling patron-client relationships

On top of the challenge of sustaining a concerted push for change as a highly diverse demographic, future voters will also have to confront the deeply rooted system of patronage that continues to shape Philippine politics.

Political families as patrons provide monetary support (i.e. through favors and “ayuda”), while their voter base “clients” provide allegiance and electoral support to them. This is why the provision of “ayuda” or government social welfare funds is commonly used as a political tool, as exemplified by the Ayuda sa Kapos ang Kita (AKAP) Program. Amid rising prices of food and necessities, this exchange effectively makes voters dependent on politicians’ quick economic promises—trading long-term progress for short-term survival. This traps the poor in a cycle of poverty and overreliance.

The quicksand of poverty

It is also important to recognize that the poor are often viewed as a ‘liability’ by many, and their political voices are frequently dismissed or delegitimized due to their informal or impermanent residential status. Generational poverty also hinders the poor from acquiring more opportunities and a better quality of life.

Instead of implementing sustainable social welfare programs for the poor and marginalized, however, politicians frequently resort to short-term dole-outs to boost their political capital. This goes to show that they prioritize quick political returns over genuine efforts to promote the development and social mobility of these marginalized sectors. With their ‘excluded’ status and dependence on government officials, the poor are hindered from fully engaging in the political process.

Youth participation and the pursuit of good governance

To help counter these phenomena, young Filipinos have organized campaigns, workshops, and projects to promote good governance and progressive leadership. High school and college student organizations can serve as vital platforms for political education, civic engagement, and community outreach through discussions, fora, and issue-based campaigns. But outside the school, there are more avenues for political participation among the youth.

For example, youth-led groups such as GoodGovPH bring together young civil servants, professionals, civic leaders, and students in a volunteer network focused on governance and public policy. They organize forums, conferences, and workshops aimed at involving Filipinos in local governance and the policymaking process.

Likewise, the Kaya Natin! Movement aims to create opportunities for ethical leadership and citizen engagement. For young people who want to be involved in creating, researching, and sharing news stories, Explained PH is a youth-driven, community-focused media organization that publishes online content and strives to amplify the voices of the people through its reporting.

These by-the-youth, for-the-youth organizations, nonetheless, are only some of the avenues available for young people to deepen their awareness, participate in sociopolitical affairs, and actively engage in their local communities. A multitude of non-profit, volunteer, and educational youth organizations exist across the country which can help young people develop political consciousness and a sense of civic duty.

Political literacy as a pillar of democratic accountability

But to effectively hone these skills among the broad population of young Filipinos, strides must be made in developing political literacy for our future electorate. 

Political literacy, as defined by a 1997 article published in Political Behavior, is “the potential for informed political participation.” Though it cannot be measured directly, political literacy is crucial to a functioning democracy because voters must be informed and aware of sociopolitical phenomena to effectively be involved in the affairs of the state.

Theories on this subject matter differ regarding what factors determine political literacy and how they view the individual as a political agent. For example, the cognitive mobilization theory says that an individual’s education and political involvement mobilize their mental capabilities in dealing with politics. The idea—with education as the bridge to literacy—is that a person who moves to higher levels of intellectual capacity is likely to employ different modes of thought in evaluating objects, thus analyzing phenomena with more nuance. This implies that, for cognitive ability theories, political literacy depends on individual ability and motivation.

However, political literacy—or the lack of thereof—can often be traced to external social forces, as suggested by structural role theories, including poverty and limited access to education. Traditional socialization theories also point to the effectiveness of political agents, raising concerns about the effectiveness of state-mandated education in fostering critical thinking among youth, especially in light of the persistent issue of out-of-school children.

When discussing political literacy, we must recognize that the urban poor and other marginalized sectors have long been excluded from meaningful political participation. Their demands—for housing, land, and basic services—are often not recognized or legitimized by the state. Constituted politically as informal settlers, they themselves are frequently viewed as undeserving of political recognition or consideration.

In a formal democracy, the absence of legal tenure means that the urban poor’s collective political actions are limited to opportunities created by others—typically those with a vested interest in power. These opportunities rarely translate into guaranteed rights or consistent access to state resources and protections. Instead, they allow the urban poor to negotiate for these necessities only as matters of political convenience. Since such opportunities are usually tied to election cycles or moments when the state’s legitimacy is under pressure, they are temporary and highly dependent on the political context.

Young Filipinos who are poor and lack access to education, therefore, may view politics more as a means of survival—supporting politicians who provide tangible, short-term benefits such as food, jobs, or financial aid. They may be deeply disillusioned with how the political system works, especially when change seems inaccessible or when promises are constantly broken. As a result, they may support populist and anti-establishment candidates who they view as “men of action,” as well as participate in politics outside those commonly accepted by institutionalist perspectives.

Nonetheless, incorporating political education into the country’s curriculum is still the most immediate and effective method to cultivate political literacy on a national scale. Political education, in this case, must reconcile the needs and perspectives of marginal sectors with the critical appraisal of candidates and people in government posts.

In order to hone a politically literate population, teaching and learning in the social sciences must go beyond the rote memorization of historical facts and dates. It should be formulated to cultivate critical thinking, deepen political literacy, and empower students and educators to understand the broader context and consequences of historical events and contemporary social issues. More importantly, it must help Filipino learners recognize their agency in participating in the nation’s affairs. 

However, in the push for better political literacy, we must be careful with labeling and shaming other voters who do not seem to understand the basic workings of politics. 

Dismayed over the midterm election’s results, people online have started blaming other voters for the results, calling them “bobo” or stupid. “Bobotante” is a pejorative term used for voters perceived as uninformed or easily swayed by populist tactics, celebrity appeal, or short-term incentives such as vote-buying.

While often used to express frustration, the term reinforces a dangerous oversimplification of voter behavior and undermines the social, cultural, and economic forces that shape their decisions, like the immediate need for basic necessities, job dependency on local officials, and the prevalent concept of “pakikisama” and “utang na loob.”

We must also take into account the various sources of information which the Filipino populace consumes, which may affect their voting decisions. In today’s age of disinformation and artificial intelligence, determining what is fact from fiction, as well as disentangling voters from certain prejudices, has become severely difficult despite organized online fact-checking efforts.

Political literacy, thus, is both a remedy and a responsibility.

Teaching an emerging voter populace must come from a place of compassion and understanding. It requires patience, dialogue, and encouragement—not hostility and shame. Degrading voters for their perceived stupidity creates a divide that alienates communities and discourages participation rather than inspiring curiosity and interest.

Political literacy can also help us distinguish between disagreements made in good faith and arguments made for the sake of arguing by understanding the source’s intent—whether they intend to contribute or simply to disrupt. This is especially important in the digital sphere, where nuance and objective fact are much more difficult to discern. As such, political education in the Philippines must also teach people when and how to disengage from such conversations.

Moreover, on the part of educators, initiatives to teach political education must be accessible to far-reaching communities but should remain respectful and non-coercive.

Only by nurturing political literacy through compassion and careful analysis can we help build a more inclusive and participatory democracy—one where every vote is cast not in ignorance, but in informed conviction.

Conclusion

Overall, the potential of young people to elect progressive leaders with integrity and to promote good governance, critical thinking, and meaningful discourse must not go to waste. Educational institutions still have much to improve in fostering critical analysis and nuanced thinking through their curricula and teaching practices. 

The ongoing revision of the DepEd K-to-12 curriculum focuses on a strengthened Senior High School (SHS) program. Courses will be reduced from 15 per semester to five year-long courses, and electives will be introduced for greater flexibility in selecting subjects aligned with their interests. Schools will offer electives from a menu of courses, whose availability will be determined by student interest, school capacity, and resources. The revised core subjects include Effective Communication, Life Skills, General Mathematics, General Science, and Pag-aaral ng Kasaysayan at Lipunang Pilipino.

The subject Philippine Politics and Governance (PPG), however, is an elective and not a required core subject. Although students have the liberty to choose PPG as part of their subjects, PPG should be part of the required core subjects for all SHS students to understand the fundamentals of the Philippines’ political system. 

Although some may argue that Pag-aaral ng Kasaysayan at Lipunang Pilipino already serves these purposes, PPG is much more specialized in teaching politics and must therefore be a core part of the curriculum to elevate students’ political literacy and encourage their participation.

Moreover, initiatives like UP Political Society’s Sinotoriables—which garnered thousands of reactions and shares on Facebook—demonstrate a promising starting point: the widespread dissemination of relevant, factual information about electoral candidates. Details such as party affiliation, government experience, legislative track record, advocacy platforms, and ties to organizations or businesses provide voters with a clearer, more comprehensive view of these candidates. Such efforts help cut through the noise, spectacle, and PR-driven narratives, allowing voters to make more informed and empowered decisions.

But dismantling the entrenched systems of patronage, clientelism, corruption, and populist celebrification in politics is no easy feat—one that cannot be carried by the youth alone. The push for government reforms, programs, and initiatives to counter the entrenched cycle of poverty must be a collective and concerted effort. Genuine change in our political culture and systems requires not just the initiatives of the youth, but the combined force of all sectors of society to demand accountability, build inclusive institutions, and reimagine a democracy that truly serves the people.

With the cracks of dynastic control emerging in the recent elections, the urgency of strengthening political literacy and advancing political and economic reforms has never been greater. To shift the tides in our nation’s trajectory, we must take one informed vote, one insightful conversation, and one principled stand at a time.